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Chronicle of a Bourgeois of Valenciennes
Récits d’un bourgeois de Valenciennes aka The Chronicle of a Bourgeois of Valenciennes is a vivid 14th-century vernacular chronicle written by an anonymous urban chronicler from Valenciennes in the County of Hainaut. It survives in a manuscript that describes local and regional history from about 1253 to 1366, blending chronology, narrative episodes, and eyewitness-style accounts of political, military, and social events in medieval France, Flanders, and the Low Countries. The work begins with a chronological framework of events affecting Valenciennes and its region under rulers such as King Philip VI of France and the shifting allegiances of local nobility. It includes accounts of conflicts, sieges, diplomatic manoeuvres, and the impact of broader struggles like the Hundred Years’ War on urban life in Hainaut. Written from the perspective of a burgher (bourgeois) rather than a monastery or royal court, the chronicle offers a rare lay viewpoint on high politics and warfare, reflecting how merchants, townspeople, and civic institutions experienced the turbulence of the 13th and 14th centuries. Its narrative style combines straightforward reporting of events with moral and civic observations, making it a valuable source for readers interested in medieval urban society, regional politics, and the lived experience of war and governance in pre-modern Europe.
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Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquess Salisbury is in Victorian Books.
1105. The Earl of Bedford and Mr. Randolph to the Council.
1566, March 27 Hearing of so many matters as we do, and finding such variety in the reports, we have much ado to discern the verity, which maketh us the slower, and loather to put anything in writing, to the intent we would not that you and Her Majesty should be advertised but of the very truth. To this end we thought good to send Captain Carew, who was in Edinburgh at the time of the last "attemptate,” who spoke there with divers, and after with the Queen and her husband, and know by his report, confirmed by the parties that were present, and assisters unto those who were executors of the act. This we find for certain: that the Queen’s husband being entered into a vehement suspicion of David [Rizzio], that by him some thing was committed which was most against the Queen’s honour, and not to be borne on his part, first communicated with George Douglas, who sought all the means he could to put some remedy to his grief, and communicating the same to Lord Ruthven by the King’s command, no other way could be found than that David should be taken out of the way. Wherein he was so earnest, and daily pressed the same, that no rest could be had until it was put in execution. To this it was found good that Lord Morton and Lord Lindsay should be made privy, that they might have their friends at hand if need required. The time was determined the 9th instant, three days before the Parliament should begin, at which time the said Lords were assured that the Earls of Argyle, Murray, Rothes, and their accomplices should have been forfeited, if the King could not be persuaded through this means to be their friends, who for the desire that his intent should take effect the one way, was content to yield to the other, with this condition, that they would give their consent that he might have the crown matrimonial.
Upon the Saturday, at night, near unto 8 o’clock, the King conveyeth himself, Lord Ruthven, George Douglas, and two others, through his own chamber by the privy stairs up to the Queen’s chamber, adjoining to which there is a cabinet about 12 foot square, in the same a little low reposing bed and a table, at which there were sitting at supper the Queen, Lady Argyle, and David with his cap upon his head. Into the cabinet there cometh the King and Ruthven, who willed David to come forth, saying that there was no place for him. The Queen said it was her will. Her husband answered, it was against her honour. Lord Ruthven said that he should learn better his duty, and offering to have taken him by the arm, David took the Queen by the "blyghtes" of her gown, and put himself behind the Queen, who would gladly have saved him, but the King having loosed his hands, and holding her in his arms, David was thrust out of the cabinet through the bed-chamber into the chamber of presence, where were the Lords Morton and Lindsay, who, intending that night to have reserved him, and the next day to hang him, so many being about them that bore him evil, one thrust him into the body with a dagger, and after him a great many others, so that he had in his body above Iv [55] wounds. It is told for certain that the King’s own dagger was left sticking in him; whether he struck him or not we cannot know for certain. He was not slain in the Queen’s presence, as was said, but going down stairs out of the presence-chamber. There remained a long time with the Queen her husband and Ruthven. She made great intercession that he should have no harm, and blamed1 greatly her husband that was the author of so foul an act. It is said that he did answer that David had more company of her body than he for the space of two months, and therefore for her honour and his own contentment he gave his consent that he should be taken away. "It is not,” saith she, "the woman’s part to seek the husband, and therefore, in that the fault was his own.” He said, that when he came, she either would not, or made herself sick. “Well,” saith she, “you have taken your last of me and your farewell.”* "That were pity,” saith Ruthven, "he is your Majesty’s husband, and you must yield duty to each other.” "Why may not I,” saith she, "leave him as well as your wife did her husband? Others have done the like.” Lord Ruthven said that she was lawfully divorced from her husband, and for no such cause as the King found himself aggrieved. Besides, this man was mean, base, enemy to the nobility, shame to herself and destruction to her country. "Well,” saith she, "it shall be dear blood to some of you, if his be spilt.” "God forbid,” saith Ruthven, "for the more your Grace show yourself offended, the world will judge the worse.” Her husband this time speaketli little. Her Grace continually weepeth. Lord Ruthven being evil at ease and weak, calleth for a drink, and saith, "This I must do with your Majesty’s pardon,” and persuadeth her in the best sort he could that she would pacify herself.
In the meantime there rose a comber in the court, to pacify which Lord Ruthven went down to the Earls Huntley, Bothwell, and Athol, to assure them from the King that nothing was intended against them. They, notwithstanding, taking fear when they heard that Murray would be there the next day, and Argyle meet them, Huntley and Bothwell get out of a window and so depart. Athol had leave of the King, with Flyske and Landores (who was lately called Leslie, the parson of Oune), to go where they would; and being conveyed by Lord Liddington they went that night to where they thought themselves in most safety. Before the King left talk with the Queen, in the hearing of Ruthven, she was content that he should lie with her that night. We know not how he "forslowe" himself, but came not at her, and excused himself to his friends that he was so sleepy that he could not wake in due time. There were two that came in with the King, the one Andrew Car of Fawsinside, who, the Queen saith, would have struck her with a dagger, and one Patrick Balentyne, brother to the Justice Clerk, who also, her Grace saith, offered a dagge against her belly with cock down. Lord Ruthven assureth us of the contrary. There were in the Queen’s chamber Lord Robert [Stewart], Arthur Erskine, and one or two others. These at the first offering some defence, Ruthven drew his dagger, and few more weapons than that were drawn in her Grace’s presence, as we are by the said Lord assured.
Note 1. The pen is struck through this portion (from "blamed" to "farewell"), and a note in the margin runs: — "It is our parts rather to pass this matter with silence than to make any such rehearsal of things committed unto us in secret, but we know to whom we write, and leave all things to your wisdoms.”
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The next day, about seven after noon, arrived the Earl of Murray and the others with him that were in England. He spoke immediately with the King, and straight after with the Queen. She laid the fault upon others that he was out of the country, required of him to be a good subject, and she would be to him as he ought. The next day he spake with her again, as also Morton and Ruthven, who exhorted her to cast off her care, to study for that which might be her weal and honour, promising for their parts to be true and faithful subjects. She accepted their sayings in good worth, willed them to devise what might be for their security, and she would subscribe it. She sent for Liddington, and in gentle words devised with him that he would persuade that she might have her liberty, and the guard that was about her removed, seeing that she had granted their requests. He found it very good, and not many of the Lords, as we hear, misliked it. All men being gone to their lodgings, about twelve at night she conveyed herself a private way out of the house. She, her husband, and one gentlewoman came to the place where Arthur Erskine and the Captain of her Guard kept the horses, and so rode her way behind Arthur Erskine until she came to Seton. There she took a horse to herself and rode to Dunbar Castle, where Huntley, Bothwell, and others resorted unto her. The Lords being thus disappointed, sent the next day Lord Sempill with a request to fulfil her promise, to sign the bill for their security. He was deferred two or three,days, until divers of the Lords (of whom the Earl of Glencairn was the first, Earl Rothes next, and some others) by secret means had got their remission and were fully restored, who, breaking from the rest, as their force diminished, her Grace’s increased, and where before they were able at the least to have defended themselves, they were fain to seek their own safety.
The slow coming of the Earl of Argyle was a great impediment, who being not yet come to Edinburgh, raised a doubt lest he should follow Glencairn and Rothes. Morton and Ruthven finding themselves left by the King, and seeing others fall from them (saving Murray and such as were of the last enterprise) thought best to provide for themselves, and so took their way to places of safety. The Earl of Argyle being come to Lithgow was joined by Murray. About the time the Lords left Edinburgh, the Queen departed from Dunbar towards it. She entered the town, about 3,000 persons, all men being commanded to attend upon her. She lodge th not in the Abbey, but in a house in the High Street, and yesterday removed to one nearer the Castle and larger. The day after her arrival she sent the parson of Flyske to Lithgow, with conditions to Argyle, Murray, and the rest, which they have accepted. The King hath utterly forsaken them, and protested before the Council that he was not consenting to the death of David, and that it was sore against his will. The next day public declaration was made at the Market Cross at Edinburgh (the 21st inst.) against the Lords, declaring the King’s innocence in the matter.
As many as were at this act, or of counsel, are summoned to underlie the law upon Friday next. Morton, Ruthven, his son, and Andrew Car are out of the country. Lindsay is either with Argyle or within Lord Athol’s bounds, where also, it is said, Liddington is, of wdiom we hear that he hath accepted a charge from the Queen to enter himself prisoner in Inverness. He was participant of this last counsel, discovered by the King himself.