1270-1299 Welsh and Scottish Wars

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. Around the next feast of Saint Nicholas [6th December 1282], Llywelyn descended from the mountains with only one squire, wishing to cautiously observe whether the inhabitants of the valleys remained loyal to him as before. He left his entire army on the ridge of the mountain above the river called Wye. His men took possession of the bridge of Orewin, and many Welsh remained there on his side, while on the other side were many royal troops. The king himself was that same day stationed at Rhuddlan [Map]. As the royal forces, whose leaders were Sir John Giffard and the young Sir Roger de Mortimer, saw the Welsh at the bridge and the large army on the ridge above, they discussed among themselves what ought to be done. One of them, named Elias Walwyn, replied, If we remain here, we can neither advance nor cross. But there is a certain ford not far from here and unknown to the Welsh, where we can cross, though with difficulty. Let brave men follow me, and we shall strike the Welsh from behind, those who are now at the bridge. Then the way across the bridge will be opened for the rest of our army, and from there we shall be able to press forward against the remaining enemies.

And so he did, and he crossed the ford that was unknown to others, from which the place took its name that it bears to this day, and it was called Hiliswath. After the Welsh who were stationed at the bridge were struck down, the way was opened for the rest of our army to pass through freely. When the sound of battle reached the ears of Llywelyn himself, who was hiding nearby in a barn at Thaulweyr, he said, "Are not my Welshmen holding the bridge at Orewin?" They replied to him, "Indeed, they are." And he said, "Even if all England were on the other side, I would not fear them." But as the noise of the fighting grew louder and his army on the heights began to panic when they saw the English forces approaching, Llywelyn hastened to slip away secretly with his page, for he feared for his life when he learned what had happened. He was spotted by one of our men, Stephen of Frankton, though he did not know who he was. Stephen followed him with a few others and, finding him fleeing and lightly armed, pierced him with a lance, and then quickly withdrew and returned to our army. The Welsh troops stood in their formations on the mountain ridge, waiting for their prince and lord, but in vain. As our forces advanced up the hill, the Welsh shot many arrows and bolts, and there was a brief skirmish with our archers, who were positioned among the cavalry. Many of the Welsh fell, because they had bravely held their ground in hope of their leader's return. At last, our cavalry reached the summit of the hill above them. After some were cut down, the rest were turned to swift flight. When our men returned victorious, the above-mentioned Stephen went back to see who the two individuals were whom he had struck down. Upon seeing Llywelyn's face and recognizing him, they cut off his head and brought it with joy to our king. The king then ordered it to be sent to London. A silver crown was placed upon it as a sign of his former princely title, and it was carried on a lance through the middle of Westcheap, London, by a mounted man, accompanied by a large crowd of citizens and much ceremony. Eventually, it was placed on a high turret of the royal tower, where it remained for a long time to be seen by all who passed by.

Circa vero sequens festum beati Nicolai descendit ipse Leulinus cum solo armigero de montibus, ut cautius exploraret si habitatores convallium in fide sua manerent ut prius, reliquitque totum suum exercitum in supercilio montis super aquam quæ vocatur Waye et præoccupaverunt sui pontem Grewyn, manseruntque ibi ex parte sua Wallenses plurimi et ex parte altera regales multi; rex vero eodem die apud Rotheland erat in præsidio. Dumque regales nostri, quorum duces exercitus erant dominus Johannes Giffard et dominus Rogerus de Mortimer juvenis, viderent Wallenses ad pontem et exercitum grandem in supercilio montis, loquerenturque mutuo quid esset faciendum, respondit unus cui nomen Hilias Wallayn, Si manserimus hic nec proficere nec transire poterimus, sed est vadum quoddam non longe distans et a Wallensibus incognitum, ubi transire poterimus, cum difficultate tamen; sequantur ergo me viri fortes, et percutiemus a tergo Wallenses qui modo sunt ad pontem, et sic patebit ingressus per pontem reliquo exercitui nostro, poterimusque extunc plane procedere contra reliquos hostes.

Fecitque sic et transivit vadum aliis incognitum, unde et nomen sortitum est usque in præsentem diem et vocatum est Hiliswath: percussisque Wallensibus qui erant ad pontem, liberum fecit introitum reliquo exercitui nostro. Cumque clamor ascenderet etiam ad aures ipsius Leulini qui ibi prope in grangio Thaulweyr latitabat, ait ipse Leulinus, Nonne Wallenses mei sunt ad pontem Grewyn? dicunt ei, Utique sunt. Et ait, Etiamsi tota Anglia esset in parte altera non timerem eos. Ingravescente tandem clamore et tumultuante ejus exercitu in excelsis dum exercitum Anglorum viderent properantem, festinavit ipse Leulinus cum puero suo latenter ascendere, timuit enim sibi cognito prædicto casu. Cumque videretur a quodam ex nostris, Stephano scilicet de Stephen de Franketone, nec tamen cognosceretur quis esset, secutus est eum idem Stephanus cum paucis et ipsum fugientem et leviter armatum lancea perforavit, et confestim abiit, et reversus est ad exercitum nostrum. Steterunt itaque Wallenses per turmas suas in supercilio montis expectantes principem et dominum suum, sed incassum: et ascendentibus nostris, sagittas et telas multas direxerunt, factaque concertatione aliqua per sagittarios nostros qui inter equestres innixi erant corruerunt multi, eo quod animose steterunt expectantes dominum suum: tandem vero equestres nostri ascenderunt in montem super eos, et cæsis aliquibus reliquos in velocem fugam converterunt. Revertentibus ergo nostris obtenta victoria, prædictus Stephanus perrexit ut videret quinam essent illi duo quos percusserat, et visa facie Leulini et cognita, amputaverunt caput suum, et ad regem nostrum cum gaudio detulerunt. Rex vero illud mitti jussit Londoniis, et sic apposita serta argentea in signum principis per medium Westchepe Londoniis in lancea per equestrem delatum est cum magno comitatu civium et apparatu, et super turrim excelsam turris regiæ tandem cum lancea repositum est ut a transeuntibus universis longo tempore videretur.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. On Wednesday in the same Easter week, after the Easter solemnity was reverently celebrated as was fitting, our king with his army entered the land of his enemies, crossing the river called the Tweed below the monastery of the holy nuns of Coldstream. And though the water was severely flooding, it happened almost miraculously that not one person perished, except for a single boy, who was separated from his horse and swept away by the surging waves. Meanwhile, the Bishop of Durham with his troops crossed the Tweed near Norham, not far from his castle. When the king had waited that whole day and the next for the burgesses of Berwick to accept peace, and they refused the peace he offered, on Friday [30th March 1296] he moved camp and pitched his tents at the nunnery opposite Berwick, about half a league away. As the sun grew hot and the army stood ready on the plain, the king knighted new men there, Henry de Percy among many others. When our sailors, who were waiting at sea with twenty-four warships before the port, saw the king's army armed and many banners unfurled, they believed the king was about to launch an immediate assault on the town. With the sea rising, they entered the port. One ship, raising her sail higher than the rest and driven toward the shore, ran aground. Surrounded by the Scots, the mariners defended themselves bravely for a long time, killing many with missiles and sword, but at last the Scots brought up scaling ladders and set fire to the ship, storming aboard and killing twenty-eight men, though many died on both sides. Another ship that also ran aground was soon consumed by devouring flames, though the sailors escaped in their boat. A third vessel, which carried men from the house and household of the Prior of Durham, held out powerfully from the first hour until the eleventh. But eventually she too grounded and, once set aflame, was destroyed. Many escaped in the boat, and the rest, staying until the end, leapt into the sea, trusting themselves more to the water than to the enemy. Miraculously, not one of them perished, but were saved with the boats of the other ships. The remaining thirty ships, as the tide receded, withdrew, occasionally launching missiles at the enemy when the opportunity arose. When such reports were brought to our king, still encamped in the field, and all beheld the smoke rising high from the ships, the king commanded the trumpets to sound and that the city be forcefully entered. At once, as the trumpets blared, they crossed a ditch the Scots had made, planked over with wooden boards, as though it were nothing, and entered upon the enemy, cutting down men on every side all the way to the sea. At their entrance, the Scots were struck dumb, there was not one among them who raised a sword or loosed a missile; instead, they stood stunned, like men beside themselves. Thirty Flemings, who had taken possession of a house called the Red Hall on the condition that they would defend it against the King of England at all times, held out bravely until evening. But when fire was finally set to it, they too perished in the flames along with the building. There fell also the brother [Richard (age 44)] of the Earl of Cornwall [Edmund, 2nd Earl of Cornwall (age 46)], a most valiant knight, who, as he raised his head boldly toward the enemy, was struck by a missile through the eye-slit of his helmet, and instantly fell and died. With the city thus taken, more than eight thousand of the enemy were slain. That same day, the strong men who were in the garrison of the castle surrendered, with their lives and limbs, lands, and goods preserved. Their captain, Sir William Douglas¹, the king kept under custody until the end of that war. As for the 200 men who had been with him, after swearing an oath never to raise arms against the king or the kingdom of England, they were allowed to depart freely, bearing arms. The women of the city were, after a few days, sent out to their people and went away in peace. The king remained in that city for fifteen days and caused a new ditch to be constructed, eighty feet wide and forty feet deep.

Die Mercurii in eadem ebdomada Paschæ, peracta solemnitate Paschali reverentia qua deceret, rex noster cum exercitu suo terram inimicorum suorum ingressus est, aquam quæ Tweda dicitur transeundo subtus monasterium sanctarum monialium de Caldestrem, et aqua nimium inundante quasi miraculose contigit quod non periit nisi puer unus pro omni populo, qui separatus ab equo ab inundantibus fluctibus interceptus est. Episcopus autem Dunolmensis cum turma sua Twedam transiit juxta Norham non longe a castro suo. Cumque toto die illo et and lays sequente ipse rex noster burgenses de Berewyk Berwick, expectasset ad pacem, nec voluerunt amplecti pacem quam tetendit, ipso die Veneris castra movens fixit tentoria sua in domo monialium ex opposito de Berewyk per dimidiam leucam. Incalescenteque sole, et exercitu præparato in planitie, fecit ibidem rex novos milites Henricum scilicet de Percy cum aliis multis. Quod cum vidissent marinarii nostri, quicum XXIIII navibus bellicis expectabant in mari coram portu, credebant regem velle confestim insultum facere urbi, eo quod videbant armatum exercitum et multa vexilla explicata, moxque cum fluctibus maris redundantibus et ipsi portum ingressi sunt. Quarum una præ cæteris velum elevans in alto terræ affixa est, quam circumdantes Scoti, cum se marinarii diutissime defendissent multosque peremissent telis et gladio, tandem allatis scalis et igne apposito eam ingressi sunt, XXVIII personas mutua tamen cæde perimentes. Alteram etiam navem cito postea solo inhærentem vorax flamma consumpsit, fugientibus tamen nautis cum scapha sua. Tertia vero navis, in qua fuerant viri de domo et familia prioris Dunolmensis, cum ab hora prima usque horam undecimam potenter tueretur, tandem innixa solo et igne allato combusta est, fugientibus cum scapha plurimis, et cæteris qui usque in finem permanserant in aquas maris salientibus, potius se credentes aquæ quam hosti; et quasi miraculose contigit quod non periit eorum aliquis, sed cum batellis aliarum navium salvati sunt. Cæteræ vero triginta naves cum aqua retrahente et se retraxerunt, telas emittentes ad hostes cum se facultas offerret. Cumque regi nostro, adhuc in campo existenti, talia dicerentur, videntibusque cunctis fumum a navibus extendi in altum, præcepit rex ut tubæ canerent urbemque potenter ingrederentur. Moxque clangentibus tubis, fossatum quoddam quod Scoti fecerant, cum lignis tabulatis quasi pro nihilo transeuntes, super hostes ingressi sunt, cædentes hinc et inde usque ad mare. Ad quorum introitum attoniti Scoti, non erat ex eis qui gladium erigeret vel telum emitteret, immo stabant stupefacti velut homines extra se. Triginta vero Flandrenses, qui Aulam Rubeam sic nominatam tali conditione receperant ut eam contra regem Anglorum omni tempore tuerentur, domum eandem usque ad vesperum viriliter defenderunt; sed apposito tandem igne, et ipsi cum domo combusti sunt. Ibi corruit frater comitis Cornubiæ miles strenuissimus, qui cum ad hostes caput in altum erigeret, in ipsa oculari apertura galeæ percussus telo, confestim cecidit et expiravit. Capta itaque urbe, ceciderunt ex hostibus plusquam octo millia. Eodem etiam die viri fortes qui erant in præsidio castri dederunt se, salvis eis vita et membris, terris et catallis; quorum capitaneum, scilicet dominum Willelmum Duglas, retinuit ibidem rex usque in finem ejusdem guerræ suæ, ducentos vero viros qui cum eo fuerant, accepto prius juramento quod nunquam contra se vel regnum Angliæ manum erigerent, portantes arma libere abire permisit. Mulieres etiam ejusdem urbis post dies aliquot mittebantur ad populum suum, et abierunt in pace. Mansit autem rex in eadem urbe diebus XV et novum fecit construi fossatum latitudinis LXXX pedum et profunditatis XL.

Note 1. William Douglas (age 56), 2nd Lord Douglas, died 1298, in the Tower of London.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. [27th April 1296] Then the Earl of Warenne (age 65), having assigned the sons of the nobles who were with him, along with some armed men, to maintain the siege of the castle and prevent the enemy from escaping, boldly advanced with the rest of the army toward the enemy. As our army descended into the valley and spread out in every direction, so as to better and more efficiently approach the Scots, the Scots mistakenly believed that our forces were in retreat and turning their backs in flight. They shouted loudly for their destruction, blowing their horns and howling with such ferocity that the terrifying sound seemed to penetrate like the horns of hell resounding from the abyss. But finally, as our men climbed up out of the deep valley and rushed to engage, the Scots were quickly thrown into confusion. The lines on both sides were drawn, and without delay they clashed fiercely, charging with lances and swords. And, as it pleased the Most High, almost at the first blows, the Scots turned and fled, and our men pursued them, cutting them down and slaughtering them over a distance of seven or eight leagues, nearly as far as the forest of Selkirk. About ten thousand Scots fell in the rout. Among them was a most valiant knight, Patrick de Graham by name, a man considered first among the wise of that kingdom and noblest among the powerful. Unwilling to diminish the glory of his reputation, he did not turn his face in flight, but fought bravely until the end, and was finally killed there. Once the spoils were gathered and our men had returned to the siege lines around the castle, the enemy's banners, which earlier had been raised proudly, were now lowered. They had been thrown into confusion and fear upon seeing their comrades flee and fall in battle.

Tunc comes de Warenna, assignatis pueris magnatum qui cum eo erant cum quibusdam armatis ad obsidionem castri continuandam ne hostes exirent, ipse cum exercitu residuo animose processit ad hostes. Cumque noster exercitus in vallem descendendo et transeundo circumquaque se diffunderet, ut sic facilius meliusque properaret mutuo congressui, credebant Scoti nostros in hoc fugam inire et terga vertere, et conclamabant in mortem eorum, insufflantes cornibus et resonantes ululatibus in tantum quod terribilis sonitus cornuum inferni quasi profunda penetravit. Sed tandem ascendentibus nostris ex valle profunda, et ad congrediendum festinantibus, confestim et ipsi conloss by the ticuerunt, directisque hinc et inde aciebus, absque ulla dilatione mutuo congressi sunt, lanceis et gladiis vicissim occurrentes, et, ut placuit Altissimo, mox quasi in primis ictibus terga verterunt Scoti, et insequebantur nostri cædentes et trucidantes quasi spatio VII leucarum vel octo, fere usque ad Forestam de Selekyrk, cecideruntque ex eis circiter decem millia. Unus autem ex eis miles strenuissimus, nomine Patricius de Graham, inter sapientiores regni illius quasi primus et inter potentiores nobilissimus, cum gloriam suæ laudis minuere nollet, faciem non avertit, sed viriliter agens usque ad mortem, in fine tandem corruit interfectus ibidem. Collectis demum spoliis, et revertentibus nostris ad obsidionem castrensium, ecce deponebantur vexilla quæ contra ruinam eorum prius elevabantur in altum. Confusi enim fuerant et conterriti cum suos et terga vertere et partem corruisse vidissent.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. John (age 47), by the grace of God, King of Scotland, to all those who see or hear these present letters, greeting. Whereas we, through evil and false counsel, and by our own simplicity, have grievously offended and angered our lord, Edward, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, in many ways, that is to say: While being and remaining under his faith and in his homage, we made an alliance with the King of France against him, who was then and still is his enemy; And we contracted a marriage with the daughter of his brother, Sir Charles; And we tried to harm our lord the King of England, aiding the King of France with all our power, by war and in other ways; And afterward, through the same evil counsel, we withdrew from our lord the King of England, renouncing his homage and fealty by formally rendering it back to him; And we sent our people into his land of England, to commit arson, to take plunder, to kill people, and to do many other damages; And in the land of Scotland, which is of his fief, we placed and established armed men in towns, castles, and other places, to defend the land against him and to deny him his rightful lordship. Because of these acts and said transgressions, our lord the King of England entered the land of Scotland by force and has taken and conquered it, despite the power we mustered against him; which he could rightfully do, as lord of his fief, since we had done him homage and yet committed the aforementioned wrongs. For which reason, we, being in our full power and free will, have rendered the land of Scotland and all its people, with all their homages, back to him. In testimony of this, we have had these our open letters made. Given at Brechin on the tenth day of July, in the fourth year of our reign [1296].¹

Johan, par la grace de Dieu, rey d'Escoce, a touz ceaux qui cestez presentz lettres verrount ou orront, saluz. Cum nous par mauveys counsaile e faus, e par nostre symplese, eioms grevousement offendu et coruce nostre seignor Edward, par la grace de Dieu roy d'Engleterre, seignour d'Yrland, et duc d'Aquitaigne, en meiutes choses; ceo est assavoir: Nous, esteant e demorant a sa feie en sun homage, de faire aliaunce au roy de Fraunce countre lui, qui dunke estoit e uncore est sun ennemy: a fere mariage ove la fille son frer sire Charles: e pur nostre seignor grevere, et le rei de Fraunce eidere e a tout nostre poer, par guerre e en altres maners: e puis, par nostre mauveis conseil avantdit, defere nostre signor le roy d'Engleterre et nous mettre hors de son homage e sa feie, par le homage rendre: e ausi noz gentz envoier en sa terre d'Engleterre, pour fere arsons, praies prendre, homicides fere, et autrez damages plusors: e la terre d'Escoce, la quele est de son fee, de gentz dez armes, en villes, chastells, et aliours mettre et estabiler pur la terre defendre encountre lui et pur son fee lui deforcier;-Por lez quelez chosez et trespasses desousdit, nostre seignor le roi d'Engleterre avantdit est en la terre d'Escoce entre, et a force lad pris e conquis, non osteant le poer que nous avons mys encontre lui; la quele chose il poet fere de dreit, com seignor de son fee, puisque nous lui avons le homage rendu et fet les choses avantditz. Pur la quele chose nous, esteant en nostre plein poer e nostre fraunche volunte, lui avoms rendu la terre d'Escoce e tout la gent ove touz lour homages. En tesmoignaunce de quele chose nous avoms fet fere cestez noz lettres overtz. Donez a Bregchine le dysme jour de Jule l'an de nostre reigne quart.

Note 1. In the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer is preserved an Original Instrument, verbatim the same as the preceding document, with the exception of the date, which is as follows: "Donees a Kyncardyn le secund jour de Jul', an de nostre regue quart." i.e. "Given at Kincardine on the second day of July, in the fourth year of our reign. Rymer, Fœdera, 1.841.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. 28th August 1296. After these events, and after the Great Seal of Scotland had been broken following the signing of the aforementioned letter, our king continued on to survey the mountainous regions of Scotland, and the Bishop of Durham, with his retinue, always preceded the king by a day or two. As the king travelled through the region of Moray all the way to Elgin and found everything peaceful, he chose not to go further. Instead, he returned to Berwick, where he had planned to hold his next Parliament. And on his return through Scone, he ordered the Stone, upon which, as previously mentioned, the Kings of Scotland were accustomed to sit during their coronation, to be taken and carried to London¹. This was to serve as a sign of the kingdom having been conquered and resigned. The king then held his Parliament at Berwick-upon-Tweed, over several days, where the magnates of the kingdoms of Scotland and Galloway came before him. He received their homage and fealty, and a formal document was drawn up to record it, expressed in these words...

Hiis ita gestis, et fracto communi sigillo 'Scotia' post consignationem prædictæ literæ, processit rex noster ut montes regni Scotia transeundo videret, et semper præcessit faciem regis per unam dietam vel duas Dunolmensis episcopus cum turma sua. Cumque iter suum faceret rex per medium Murref usque Elayn, noluit ulterius procedere eo quod pacata vidisset omnia, sed reversus est usque Berewyk, ubi parliamentum suum in proximo teneri statuerat. Et in redeundo per Scone, præcepit tolli et Londoniis cariari lapidem illum, in quo, ut supradictum est, reges Scotorum solebant poni loco coronationis suæ, et hoc in signum regni conquesti et resignati. Tenuitque parliamentum suum diebus The Scots do multis apud Berewyk super Twedam, ubi venerunt ad eum magnates regni Scotia et Galawaliae, et recepit homagia et fidelitates eorum, et super hoc conficiebatur scriptum in hæc verba conceptum.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. [July 1297] These are the complaints that the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, and barons, and all the commonalty of the land present to our lord the king, and they humbly pray him, as their lord, that he may be willing to redress and amend these matters to his own honour and to the salvation of the people." First, it seems to the whole community of the land that the summons made to them by writ of our lord the king was not sufficiently adequate, because no specific place was mentioned where they were to go; for according to the place, they must make provision and prepare to render the service due, or not. Because it is commonly said that our lord the king intends to pass over to Flanders, it is the opinion of the whole community that they are not bound to perform any service there, because neither they, nor their predecessors, nor their ancestors, ever did service in that land. And even if they were bound to do service there or elsewhere, they do not have the power to do it, because they have been so heavily burdened with various tallages [taxes], aids, and exactions, namely of wheat, oats, barley, wool, hides, oxen, cows, salted meat, all taken without payment, with which they should have supported and maintained themselves. They say therefore that they cannot give aid because of the poverty they are in due to these tallages and exactions, for they scarcely have the means to sustain themselves, and many of them do not have the means to live nor have their lands cultivated. Moreover, the whole community of the land feels heavily burdened that they are not governed according to the laws and customs of the land by which their ancestors used to be governed, nor do they have their liberties which they used to enjoy, but are deprived of them arbitrarily, and for this reason they feel heavily aggrieved. Moreover, clergy and laity feel heavily burdened that they used to be governed according to the points of the Magna Carta, whose provisions are now entirely disregarded, which is a great injury to the people. Wherefore, they pray our lord the king that he may be willing to have these things redressed, for his own honour and the safety of the people. Moreover, the commonalty of the land feels heavily burdened by the forest law, which is not now kept as it used to be in times past, nor is the Charter of the Forest observed. instead, attachments are made arbitrarily outside of the assize [legal process], contrary to what used to be done. Moreover, the whole community of the land feels heavily burdened by the maltolt [bad tax] of wool, which is so burdensome, namely, 40 shillings for each full sack of wool, and for each broken sack, 5 marks, that wool of England, which is nearly half the value of the whole land annually, is taxed at a rate which amounts to a fifth of the entire value of the land per year at such a price. Because the community of the land desires honour and soundness for our lord the king, as they rightly should, it seems to them that it would not be to his advantage to cross over to Flanders, unless he were better assured of the loyalty of the Flemish, both for himself and for his people, and also for the land of Scotland, which is beginning to rise up against him now in his absence; and they well understand that they would rebel in a worse manner if they knew for certain that he had crossed the sea. And not only they, but other lands that are not yet well settled.

Ces sount les monstraunces qe erceveskes, eveskes, abbes, priours, countes, et barounes, et tout la comuniautie de la terre monstrent a nostre seignour le roy, et humblement lui prient, com a leur seignour, qe cestes chosez voill redresser et amendere al honour de lui, et a la salvacion du pople. En primes, il semble a tote la communalte de la terre qe le garnisement qe feet lur fuit par le bref nostre seignour le rey ne fuit pas assez sufficiaunt, pur ceo qe il ny avoit nul certein lu especifie ou ils devereint alere; car solom le lu couyent il fere la purveiaunce, et puissent aversne le quele il duissent lui fere servis ou noune; pur ceo qe dit est comunialment qe nostre seignour le rey vout passer en Flaundres, avis est a tout la communalte qe la ne deyvent il nul servis fere, pur ceo qe eaus, ne lur predecessours, ne auncestres, unkes en cele terre servis ne firent. Et tut fuit il issint qe ils dussent le servis la ou aliours, ils ne aveient pas poer de fer le, pur ceo qe ils ount este tant greves de diverses talliages, eides, prises, cest asavoir dez furmentez, aveynes, braes, leynes, quires, boefs, vaches, chars sales, saunz nul dener paier, dount ils sei dussent aver sustenu et mayntenu. Il dient estre ceo qe eide ne pount il fere pur la poverte qe ils sount einz pur les talliages et prises avantdites, car il ne ount a pein dount ils se pount sustenir, et multz en sount qe ne ount pas lur sustenaunce ne lur terres gaygnes. Estre ceo tote la communalte de la terre se sentent durement grevez qe ils ne sont pas menes solom lez leys et lez usagez de la terre par les qeux lur auncestrez solayent estre menez, ne ils ne ount lur fraunchises les queux ils solayent avoir, mes sount mys hors voluntriement, par qoi ils se sentent durement grevez. Estre ceo clerks et lays se sentent durement greves de ceo qe ils solayent estre menes solom les poyntes de la Graunt Chartre, les quex poyntes sount tut le pluis tresseillez, laquele chose est trop graunt damage ou pople: par qoi ils prient a nostre seignour le rey quil voille qe cestes choses soient redressez, al honour de lui et a salvacion du pople. Estre ceo la communalte de la terre se sentent durement grevez de lassise de la foreste, qe nest my gardie com ele solait estre en arere, ne la chartre de launder, mes fount atachementz volunters hors de lassise altrement qe homme ne solait. Estre ceo tut la communalte de la terre se sentent durement grevez de la maltolt des laynes, qe est si grevouse a chescun sake de la layn entire XL S et de la layn brisee a chescun sake V marcs, pur ceo qe la layn d'Engleterre est a poye la moyte de la valu de tout la terre par an, e si amunte la maletoute par an le quinte de la value de totte la terre par tiel pris. Pur ceo qe la communalte de la terre volent honour et sannetie a nostre seignour le rey, sicome il deyvent voler, ne lur semble pas qe ceo serroit a lui preu de passer en Flaundres, si il ne fust plus assure pur lui et pur sa gent des Flaundres, et auxi pur la terre d'Escoce la quele se comence a lever contre lui tant com il est ore en terre; et bien entendent qe ils en frayent en plus mauveise maner si ils fuissent seure qe il fuit la mere passe. Et ne my seulement eaus, mes altres terres qi ne sount pas uncore bien affermez.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. [11th September 1297] When the enemy [Scots] saw that so many of our men had already crossed the bridge, more than they believed they could overcome, they descended from the hill and, sending their spearmen, seized the foot of the bridge. From that moment, no passage or retreat was possible; many, in trying to flee, were thrown from the bridge and drowned. As the Scots came down from the hill, Sir Marmaduke de Tweng said to his companions, "Is it time, brothers, for us to ride against them?" When they responded that it was, they spurred their horses and charged. Some of the Scots fell, and nearly all their cavalry turned in flight. While they pursued the fleeing enemy, one of our men said to Sir Marmaduke, "My lord, we have been deceived, our troops are not following, and the royal and earl's banners are not to be seen." Looking back, they saw many of our men and the royal standard-bearers lying slain. They said, "The bridge is now closed to us; we've been cut off from our army. It would be better to entrust ourselves to the peril of the water, if we might possibly cross it, than to be cut down attempting to break through enemy lines, it is now difficult, indeed impossible, for us to pass through the Scots." But that most valiant Marmaduke said, "Surely, my dear friends, it will never be said of me that I drowned myself freely. Far be it from you also! Follow me, and I will carve a path through the midst of them to the bridge." Spurring his warhorse, he charged into the enemy, cutting them down to the left and right with his sword, and passed through them unharmed. A wide path opened for those who followed him, for he was mighty in strength and of great stature. While fighting bravely, his nephew, wounded and stunned, his horse slain but still on foot, cried out, "My lord, save me!" Marmaduke replied, "Climb up behind me. I cannot," the youth said, "for my strength has failed." Then one of Marmaduke's squires, dismounting, lifted the young man onto his own horse and said to his lord, "I will follow you wherever you go." He followed him to the bridge, and both were saved. Having seized the bridge by the strength of his arms, all those who remained behind perished, about a hundred knights and nearly five thousand foot soldiers, including three hundred Welsh who, although they had taken many lives, were finally overcome. Some survivors swam across the river, and one knight made it over on his fully armed horse, though with difficulty. That day, among the Scots' lance-bearers, fell Lord Hugh de Cressingham, treasurer of the king, rector of the church of Rudby, and chief justice in the assizes of York. Although he held prebends in many churches and had the care of many souls, he never put on spiritual armour or wore a chasuble, but donned helmet and mail, in which he fell. He who had once terrified many with the sword of his tongue in courts of law was finally slain by the sword of rebels. The Scots flayed him and divided his skin into small pieces among themselves, not as relics, but in mockery. For he was exceedingly fat and handsome. They called him not the king's treasurer, but his "traitor", and this was more accurate than they knew. For he led many astray that day, and he himself was misled, being fickle, slippery, arrogant, and wholly given to greed.

In the first engagement of our forces with the Scots, the Seneschal of Scotland and the Earl of Lennox, who had previously come peacefully, when they saw our men falling in battle, immediately withdrew to their own troops who were lying in wait in the woods near the marshes. Witnessing the outcome of that shameful affair, they came out to meet our fleeing soldiers and slaughtered many of them individually at the marshes, carrying off much spoil and carts laden with supplies; for the carts and pack animals could not easily be withdrawn by those fleeing through the lakes and marshes. Our commander, who had remained on this side of the bridge the entire time, upon the return of Sir Marmaduke with his men, ordered the bridge to be broken and burned. He entrusted custody of the castle of Stirling to the aforementioned Sir Marmaduke, promising him faithfully, on oath, that within the first ten weeks he would return to support him with a strong force. However, he did not fulfil what he had promised. Forgetful of his old age, he set out to Berwick with such haste that the charger he had been riding, stabled among the Friars Minor, did not taste any feed. Then he departed to join the king's son in the southern regions, leaving the country utterly desolate. This disaster took place on the third day before the Ides of September [11th September 1297], a Wednesday, in the year of grace above mentioned.

Cumque vidissent hostes tot jam evenisse quot superare potuerant, ut credebant, mox descenderunt de monte, et missis viris lanceariis occupaverunt pedem pontis, ita quod extunc nulli patebat transitus vel regressus, sed in revertendo sicut et in festinando super pontem præcipitati sunt multi et submersi. Descendentibus itaque Scotis de monte, dixit dominus Marmeducus consociis suis, "Estne tempus, fratres, ut equitemus ad eos?" Quibus respondentibus quod sic, mox stimulatis equis mutuo congressi sunt, et corruentibus quibusdam ex Scotis, cæteri equestres quasi omnes in fugam versi sunt. Quos cum insequerentur fugientes sic dixit unus ex nostris domino Marmeduco, "Domine mi, decepti sumus; non enim sequuntur nostri, et vexilla regis et comitis non comparent." Ad hæc respicientes retro, viderunt multos ex nostris et vexillarios regis et comitis corruisse, dixeruntque, "Præclusa est jam nobis via ad pontem, et a populo nostro intercepti sumus; melius est ergo ut credamus nos aquæ periculo, si forte transire possimus, quam hostium cuneos penetrantes quasi pro nihilo corruamus: difficilis immo impossibilis jam factus est nobis transitus per medium Scotorum." Ad hæc ille strenuissimus Marmeducus: "Certe, carissimi, nunquam dicetur de me quod gratis me submerserim; absit et hoc a vobis, sed sequimini me, et per medium eorum vobis viam faciam usque ad pontem; stimulatoque dextrario, mox irruit in hostes, et nunc hos nunc illos cædens gladio per medium transivit illæsus; patuitque via magna sequentibus eum, erat enim fortis robore et staturæ proceræ. Cumque ita strenue militaret, nepos illius vulneratus et attonitus, equo suo interfecto, sed stans tamen pedes, clamavit ad eum: "Domine mi, salva me." ille, "Ascende," inquit, "post me. Non possum; defecit enim robur meum." Moxque consocius ejus, armiger ejusdem domini Marmeduci, descendens de equo suo, eum ascendere fecit, et dixit domino suo, "Sequar te domine quocunque ieris;" et secutus est eum usque ad pontem, et uterque eorum salvatus est. Apprehenso itaque ponte per fortitudinem strenue militantis, omnes extunc quotquot ibi remanserant corruerunt, numero armatorum fere centum et peditum quasi quinque millia, inter quos trecenti Wallenses cum multos vita privaverant tandem quidam ex eis qui remanserant aquam natando transierunt. Unus etiam miles ex nostris cum difficultate aquam transiit in equo armato. Corruit eodem die inter Scotos lancearios prænominatus ille thesaurarius domini regis dominus Hugo de Cressyngham, rector Hugh de ecclesiæ de Ruddeby et capitalis justitiarius in is slain. assisis Eborum, qui cum esset præbendarius in multis ecclesiis, et multarum haberet curam animarum, nunquam tamen arma spiritualia vel casulam induit, sed galeam et loricam in quibus corruit. Et qui gladio linguæ suæ multos olim exterruerat in judiciis multis, gladio tandem perversorum occisus est; quem excoriantes Scoti diviserunt inter se pellem ipsius in modicas partes, non quidem ad reliquias sed in contumelias; erat enim pulcher et grassus nimis vocaveruntque eum non thesaurarium sed trayturarium regis, et verius hoc quam credebant; multos enim seduxit in die hac, sed et ipse seductus est qui erat levis et lubricus, elatus superbia et avaritiæ deditus.

In primo congressu nostrorum cum Scotis, senescallus Scotia et comes de Levenax, qui prius pacifice venerant, cum vidissent nostros corruisse confestim recesserunt ad suos qui in silvis latitabant juxta polles; qui nefandæ rei videntes eventum, egressi sunt obviam nostris, et multos particulariter fugientes peremerunt ibidem ad polles, asportantes spolia multa et quadrigas onustas abducentes; non enim poterant quadrigæ vel summarii a fugientibus abduci de facili in lacubus et mariscis. Comes vero noster citra pontem semper existens, reverso domino Marmeduco cum suis, præcepit pontem frangi et comburi, et commissa custodia ejusdem castri de Stryvelyn prædicto domino Marmeduco, promisit ei fideliter data fide quod infra primas decem ebdomadas veniret in ejus auxilium cum manu forti; non tamen adimplevit quod promisit. Oblitusque senectutis suæ profectus est apud Berewyk cum festinatione tanta quod dextrarius in quo sederat in stabulo fratrum Minorum positus nusquam pabulum gustavit. Deinde processit ad filium regis in partes australes, et reliquit patriam penitus desolatam. Facta fuit confusio hæc III idus Septembris, scilicet feria quarta, anno gratiæ supradicto.

Chronicle of William Rishanger. Battle of Stirling

Meanwhile, not long after [11th September 1297] in the same year, the Scots, when they heard the news that King Edward had entered Flanders with bare hand and small company, and then into France, despairing of his return, rashly, and more than usual, for the second time made an attack upon the English. At Stirling Bridge, they suddenly assaulted the Earl Warenne, whom Edward, king of England, had appointed guardian of Scotland; and with the earl, because of urgent necessity, taking to flight with his men, they slew Sir Hugh de Cressingham, treasurer deputed in Scotland, and some others, nearly a hundred, whom they had captured there, knowing that they had no obstacle, since the king was absent, at that time delaying in Flanders. Then four English earls, moving in close array, pressed on against the Scots, advancing through a narrow place, not knowing what tricks the cunning enemy had prepared. But when they began to pass by, the Scots suddenly rushed out, catching them off guard and unprepared, and broke into their ranks. Yet the English, although taken by surprise and thrown into disorder, at last reformed their companies, regained their strength, and resisted manfully. In the end, the Scots, unable to withstand the encounter with the English, quickly abandoned the field and fled, using the aid of the hills, and hid themselves in the density of the woods.

Bellum de Strivelyin.

Interea, non multum post in eodem anno, Scoti, audito nuncio, quod Rex Edwardus cum nuda manu et parvo comitatu Flandriam intrasset, deinde in Galliam, desperati sui reditus, incunctanter, et plus solito, jam secundo irruere in Anglicanos priesumpserunt. Ad pontem de Strivelin, Comiti Warenniw, quem constituerat Edwardus, Rex Anglite, Custodem Scotiw, de eis improviso, dederunt insultum; et Comite, cum suis, propter urgentem necessitatem in fugam converso, Dominum Hugonem de Cressingham, Thesaurarium deputatum in Scotia, et quosdam alios, fere usque ad centum, ibidem captos, interemerunt; scientes se non habere obstaculum, ratione absentize Regis, tunc in Flandria moram trahentis. Denique quatuor Comites Angliæ, densata caterva, incedentes impetum Scotorum, per strictum locum incedentes, nescii quos dolos versuti hostes instituerant ; cum vero preieterire incepissent, egressi ex improviso Scoti ipsos, nihil tale preemeditantes, occupaverunt, et penetraverunt. At illi, tametsi ex improviso occupati et dissipati fuissent, tandem tamen resociatis catervis, resumptis viribus, viriliter resistunt. Tandem Scoti, congressus Anglicanorum ferre non valentes, ocius campum relinquentes, fugam inierunt; usi montium auxilio, in nemorum densilitate delituerunt.

Scalacronica. 11th September 1297. And the following winter, the said William Wallace burnt all Northumberland. The Earl of Warenne (age 66), who was Keeper of Scotland for the King of England, being in the south¹, turned towards Scotland; where at the bridge of Stirling he was defeated by William Wallace, who, being at hand in order of battle², allowed so many of the English as he pleased to cross over the said bridge, and, at the right moment³, attacked them, caused the bridge to be broken, where many of the English perished, with Hugh de Cressingham, the King's Treasurer; and it was said that the Scots caused him to be flayed, and in token of hatred made girths of his skin. The Earl of Warenne took flight to Berwick. William Wallace, to whom the Scots adhered, immediately after this discomfiture, followed⁴ the said Earl of Warenne in great force, and skirting Berwick, arrived on Hutton Moor in order of battle; but perceiving the English arrayed to oppose him, he came no nearer to Berwick, but retired and bivouacked in Duns Park⁵.

Note 1. Warenne, or Surrey, which was his principal title, had been recalled on 18th August for service with King Edward on the Continent, and Sir Brian Fitz Alan was appointed Keeper of Scotland in his place. But Sir Brian having raised a difficulty about his salary (£1128 8s.), the Prince of Wales wrote on 7th Sept., 1298, requiring Surrey to remain at his post. (See Stevenson's Documents illustrative of the History of Scotland, ii. 230.)

Note 2. En batailA soun point. i.e., in force or in order of battle; used in both senses.

Note 3. A soun point. i.e.

Note 4. Suyst, misprinted fuyst in Maitland Club Ed.

Note 5. Not Duns Park on Whitadder, but in a place which then bore that name a little to the north of Berwick.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. Edward, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, to all those who shall see or hear these present letters, greetings. Know that we, to the honour of God and of Holy Church and to the benefit of our whole realm, have granted, for us and for our heirs, that the Great Charter of Liberties and the Charter of the Forest, which were made by common consent of the whole kingdom in the time of King Henry our father, shall be held and kept in all their points, without any breach. And we will that these same charters, under our seal, shall be sent to our justices, as well of the forest as of the others, and to all our sheriffs of counties, and to all our other officials, and to all our cities throughout the land, together with our writs, in which it shall be contained that they cause the aforementioned charters to be published, and that they make it known to the people that we have granted to have them observed in all their points. And to our justices, sheriffs, mayors, and other officials who hold law for us and under us, we command that the same charters shall be allowed before them in pleas and in judgments, that is to say, the Great Charter of Liberties as the common law, and the Charter of the Forest according to the assize of the forest, for the amendment of our people. And we will that if any judgments from now on shall be given against the points of the said charters by our justices or by any of our ministers who hold pleas before them, they shall be undone and held for nothing. And we will that the same charters, under our seal, be sent to the cathedral churches throughout our realm, and remain there, and shall be read twice a year before the people. And that the archbishops and bishops shall pronounce sentence of great excommunication against all those who shall infringe the said charters in deed, word, counsel, or any point of them, and against all those who aid, abet, or counsel such infringement. And that these sentences be publicly announced and published twice a year by the said prelates. And if the same prelates or any of them are negligent in making the said denunciation, they shall be compelled to do it by the archbishops of Canterbury and York who shall be in office at the time. And because some people of our realm are in doubt as to the aids and charges which they have given to us before this time, for our wars and other needs, by their own good will, whatever manner they were made in, that these could become a custom and burden to them and their heirs, because they might be found in records, or because of certain levies made throughout the realm by our officials in our name: We have granted for us and our heirs that such aids, charges, or levies shall not be taken as a precedent or custom, and that nothing shall be drawn from them as a future obligation. And also, we have granted for us and our heirs to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other people of Holy Church, and to the earls, barons, and all the community of the land, that for no need or cause will we take such aids, charges, or levies from our realm without the common assent of all the realm and for the common benefit of the same realm, saving the ancient aids and charges due and customary. And because the greater part of the common people of the realm feel themselves heavily burdened by the evil toll on wool, that is, forty shillings on each sack, they have prayed us to remit it. We, at their request, have fully remitted it, and we have granted that neither this nor any other similar levy shall be taken without their common assent and good will, saving to us and our heirs the custom on wool, hides, and leather previously granted by the community of the said realm. In testimony whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made open. Given at London the tenth day of October [1297], in the twenty-fifth year of our reign. Witness: Edward our son.

Edward par la grace de Dieu roy d'Engleterre, seignur dIrland, et ducs d'Aquitaine a toutz ceus qui cestes presentes lettres verront ou orront, saluz. Sachiez nous al honeur de Dieu et de seinte eglise et au profit de tut nostre roiaume, aver grante, pour nous e pour nos heirs, qe la Grand Chartre des franchises et la Chartre de la Forest lesqueles furent faites par commun assent de tut le roiaume en tens le rey Henry nostre pere, seient tenuz en toutz leur pointz, sanz nul blemisement. E voloms qe meismes celes chartres desuth nostre seal seient envoiez a nos justices ausibien de la forest come as autres, e a toutz les viscontes des contez, et a toutz nos autres ministres, et a totes nos citees parmi la terre, ensemblement ove nos briefs en les queux serra contenu qil facent les avantdites chartres pupplier, e qil facent dire au poeple qe nous les avoms grauntees de tenir les en toutz leur pointz; e a nos justices, viscontes, maires, e autres ministres qi la ley de la terre desouth nous et pour nous ount a guier, meismes les chartres en toutz leur pointzen plez devaunt eus e en jugementz les facent alower, cest asavoir la Grand Chartre des franchises come ley commune e la Chartre de la Forest solom lassise de la forest, al amendement de nostre poeple. E voloms que si nuls jugementz soient donez desoremes encontre les pointz des chartres avantdites par justices et par autres nos ministres, qui contre les pointz des chartres tenent plez devant eus, seient defaitz e pour nient tenuz. E voloms qe mesmes celes chartres desuth nostre seal seient envoiez as eglises cathedrales parmi nostre roiaume, et la demorgent. E seient deu foitz par an lues devant le poeple. E qe ercevesques et evesques doignent sentences du grant escomenge contre toutz ceus qui contre les avantdites chartres vendront en fait, ou en ayde, ou en conseil, ou nul point enfreindront, ou encontre vendront. E que celes sentences seient denuncies e pupplies deu foitz par an par les avantditz prelatz. E si mesmes les prelatz evesques ou nul de eus seient negligentz en la denunciacion susdite faire, par les ercevesques de Canterbire et de Everwyk, qui pur tens serront, sicome covient, soient repris, et destreinz a mesme cele denunciacion faire en la fourme avauntdite. E pur ceo qe aucunes gentz de nostre roiaume se doutent qe les aides, e les mises, les queles il nous ount fait avant ces oures, pur nos guerres et autres bosoignes, de leur graunt e leur bone volunte, en quele manere qe faitz seient, pussent turner en servage a eus e a leur heirs, parce qil serroient autrefoitz trovez en roule, e ausi prises qe ont este faites parmi le roiaume par nos ministres en nostre noun, avoms grante pur nous et pur nos heirs qe mes tieles aides, mises, ne prises, ne treroms Edward I a custume pur nule chose qe soit fait, ou Confirmation qe par roule ou en autre maniere peust of Magna estre trove. E ausi avoms grante pour nous e pour nos heirs as ercevesques, evesques, abbes, e priurs, e as autres gentz de seinte eglise, et as contes, et barons, et a tote la communaute de la terre que mes pur nule busoigne tieu manere des aides, mises, ne prises de nostre roiaume ne prendroms fors que par commun assent de tut le roiaume, et a commun profit de meisme le roiaume, sauve les auncienes aides et prises, dues et custumees. E pour ceo que tut le plus de la communaute del roiaume se sentent durement grevez de la maletoute des leines, cest asavoir de chescun sak de leine quarant soudz, e nous ont prie que nous les vousissoms relesser, nous a leur priere les avoms pleinement relesse, e avoms graunte qe cele ne autre mes ne prendroms sanz lour commun assent e leur bone volunte; sauve a nous et a nos heirs la custume des leines, peaus, e quirs, avant grantez par la communaute du roiaume avauntdit. En tesmoignance de queux choses nous avoms fait faire cestes nos lettres overtes. Tesmoigne Edward nostre fitz a Londres le disme jour de Octobre, lan de notre regne vintisme quynt.